ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Kimberly Noble - Neuroscientist, pediatrician
Kimberly Noble, MD, PhD, studies how socioeconomic inequality relates to children's cognitive and brain development.

Why you should listen

Trained as a neuroscientist and board-certified pediatrician, Dr. Kimberly Noble has examined disparities in development and health across infancy, childhood and adolescence. She is currently an Associate Professor of Neuroscience and Education at Teachers College, Columbia University, where she directs the Neurocognition, Early Experience and Development (NEED) Lab. She received her undergraduate, graduate and medical degrees at the University of Pennsylvania and was the recipient of the Association for Psychological Science Janet Taylor Spence Award for Transformative Early Career Contributions.

In collaboration with a multidisciplinary team of scientists from around the United States, Noble is co-directing the Baby's First Years study, the first clinical trial of poverty reduction to assess the causal impact of income on children's cognitive, emotional and brain development in the first three years of life. Her work has received worldwide attention in the popular press, including the Washington Post, The EconomistNewsweekThe GuardianLe Monde and NPR. A full list of her publications can be found here.

More profile about the speaker
Kimberly Noble | Speaker | TED.com
TED Salon: Education Everywhere

Kimberly Noble: How does income affect childhood brain development?

金伯利 · 诺贝尔: 收入水平如何影响儿童大脑发育

Filmed:
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神经科学家和儿科医生金伯利 · 诺贝尔引领了名为“孩子的最初阶段"的一项实验:首个探究家庭收入如何改变儿童认知,情感和大脑发育的随机实验。她想知道,我们能否仅仅通过给一个家庭更多的钱来帮助贫困儿童? “大脑并不决定命运,” 诺贝尔说, “如果孩子的大脑可以被改变,那么一切皆有可能。”
- Neuroscientist, pediatrician
Kimberly Noble, MD, PhD, studies how socioeconomic inequality relates to children's cognitive and brain development. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
What I'm about to share分享 with you
are findings发现 from a study研究
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我要和你们分享
一项研究的成果,
00:16
of the brains大脑 of more than 1,000
children孩子 and adolescents青少年.
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这项研究是关于
1000个儿童和青少年的大脑。
00:20
Now, these were children孩子
who were recruited应征
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这些参与研究的儿童
来自美国不同的家庭,
00:22
from diverse多种 homes家园
around the United联合的 States状态,
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这张图片代表了
一个普通的大脑,
00:24
and this picture图片 is an average平均
of all of their brains大脑.
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00:28
The front面前 of this average平均 brain
is on your left
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图片中大脑的前面
相当于你的大脑左侧,
后面相当于你的大脑右侧。
00:30
and the back of this average平均 brain
is on your right.
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00:33
Now, one of the things
we were very interested有兴趣 in
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我们想要研究的事情之一
就是大脑皮层的表面积,
00:35
was the surface表面 area
of the cerebral颅内 cortex皮质,
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就是大脑外表面
薄薄的皱巴巴的一层,
00:38
or the thin, wrinkly layer
on the outer surface表面 of the brain
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它主要负责认知功能。
00:41
that does most
of the cognitive认知 heavy lifting吊装.
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00:46
And that's because past过去 work
by other scientists科学家们 has suggested建议
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曾经有科学家的研究表明,
在许多情况下,
00:49
that in many许多 cases,
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皮层的表面积越大,
00:51
a larger cortical皮质 surface表面 area
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代表着智商越高。
00:53
is often经常 associated相关
with higher更高 intelligence情报.
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00:57
Now, in this study研究, we found发现 one factor因子
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在这次的研究中,我们发现
有一个因素
和整个大脑表面的
01:00
that was associated相关
with the cortical皮质 surface表面 area
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皮层表面积有关联,
01:02
across横过 nearly几乎 the entire整个
surface表面 of the brain.
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01:07
That factor因子 was family家庭 income收入.
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这个因素就是家庭收入。
01:12
Now, here, every一切 point you see in color颜色
is a point where higher更高 family家庭 income收入
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这上面,你看到的每一个
彩色的点都代表着
较高的家庭收入和
较大的表层面积是相关联的,
01:16
was associated相关 with a larger
cortical皮质 surface表面 area in that spot.
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01:21
And there were some regions地区,
shown显示 here in yellow黄色,
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还有一些区域,
这些黄色的,
是这种关联
尤其明显的地方,
01:24
where that association协会
was particularly尤其 pronounced宣判.
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01:27
And those are regions地区 that we know support支持
a certain某些 set of cognitive认知 skills技能:
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这些区域也是据我们所知
负责一些特定的认知功能的区域:
语言能力,词汇和阅读,
01:31
language语言 skills技能
like vocabulary词汇 and reading
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避免分心的能力,
01:35
as well as the ability能力
to avoid避免 distraction娱乐
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01:37
and exert发挥 self-control自我控制.
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还有进行自我约束的能力。
01:39
And that's important重要,
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这个很重要,
因为这些能力
01:41
because those are the very skills技能
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恰恰是贫困的孩子
最有可能欠缺的。
01:43
that children孩子 living活的 in poverty贫穷
are most likely容易 to struggle斗争 with.
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01:47
In fact事实, a child儿童 living活的 with poverty贫穷
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事实上,一个贫困的孩子,
在两岁之前,就有可能在
语言测试和控制冲动的测试中
01:50
is likely容易 to perform演出 worse更差 on tests测试
of language语言 and impulse冲动 control控制
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显现出劣势。
01:54
before they even turn two.
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01:58
Now, there are a few少数 points
I'd like to highlight突出 about this study研究.
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关于这项研究,我想强调几点。
第一,
02:01
Number one:
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家庭收入和儿童
大脑结构之间的这种关联,
02:02
this link链接 between之间 family家庭 income收入
and children's儿童 brain structure结构体
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在最低收入水平人群中
是最明显的,
02:06
was strongest最强 at the lowest最低 income收入 levels水平.
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02:09
So that means手段 that dollar美元 for dollar美元,
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这意味着,在同一个标准下,
在最贫困的家庭中,
02:11
relatively相对 small differences分歧
in family家庭 income收入
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家庭收入相对较小的差异,
02:13
were associated相关 with proportionately按比例
greater更大 differences分歧 in brain structure结构体
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会带来大脑结构上较大的差异。
02:17
among其中 the most disadvantaged劣势 families家庭.
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直觉上,这是有道理的,对吧?
02:20
And intuitively直观地, that makes品牌 sense, right?
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假设一个家庭年收入是15万美元,
再有额外的2万美元
02:22
An extra额外 20,000 dollars美元 for a family家庭
earning盈利, say, 150,000 dollars美元 a year
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02:26
would certainly当然 be nice不错,
but probably大概 not game-changing改变游戏规则,
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当然会更好,
但是可能不影响大局。
但是假设一个家庭
年收入只有2万美元,
02:30
whereas an extra额外 20,000 dollars美元
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那么这额外的2万美元,
02:32
for a family家庭 only earning盈利
20,000 dollars美元 a year
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就很可能给他们的生活
带来显著的改变。
02:35
would likely容易 make a remarkable卓越 difference区别
in their day-to-day日复一日 lives生活.
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02:39
Now, the second第二 point
I'd like to highlight突出
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我想强调的第二点,
02:41
is that this link链接 between之间 family家庭 income收入
and children's儿童 brain structure结构体
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就是家庭收入和儿童大脑结构
之间的这种关联,
02:45
didn't depend依靠 on the children's儿童 age年龄,
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并不取决于儿童的年龄,
02:47
it didn't depend依靠 on their sex性别
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性别,
02:50
and it didn't depend依靠
on their race种族 or ethnicity种族.
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种族,或是民族。
02:53
And the final最后 point --
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最后一点,
02:55
and this one's那些 key --
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这点很重要,
02:56
there was tremendous巨大 variability变化性
from one child儿童 to the next下一个,
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每两个孩子之间都有
很大的个体差异,
03:01
by which哪一个 I mean there were plenty丰富
of children孩子 from higher-income高收入 homes家园
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也就是说,
很多高收入家庭的孩子,
03:04
with smaller brain surfaces
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也有较小的大脑表面积,
03:06
and plenty丰富 of children孩子
from lower-income低收入人群 homes家园
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而很多较低收入家庭的孩子,
03:09
with larger brain surfaces.
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也有较大的大脑表面积。
03:11
Here's这里的 an analogy比喻.
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打个比方,
03:12
We all know that in childhood童年,
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我们都知道,在童年时期,
03:14
boys男孩 tend趋向 to be taller than girls女孩,
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男孩一般比女孩高一些,
03:17
but go into any elementary初级
school学校 classroom课堂,
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但是任何一个小学的班级里,
03:19
and you'll你会 find some girls女孩
who are taller than some boys男孩.
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都有一些女孩比
一些男孩要高。
03:23
So while growing生长 up in poverty贫穷
is certainly当然 a risk风险 factor因子
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所以即使在贫困中成长
会有一定的风险
03:26
for a smaller brain surface表面,
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导致较小的大脑表面积,
03:28
in no way can I know an individual个人
child's孩子的 family家庭 income收入
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我也并不能由
一个儿童的家庭收入,
03:32
and know with any accuracy准确性
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准确地判断出
03:33
what that particular特定 child's孩子的 brain
would look like.
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这个儿童的大脑长什么样子。
03:37
I want you to imagine想像,
for a moment时刻, two children孩子.
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现在,想象有两个孩子,
一个孩子来自美国一个贫困家庭,
03:40
One is a young年轻 child儿童
born天生 into poverty贫穷 in America美国;
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另外一个也是美国的孩子,
03:42
the other is also an American美国 child儿童,
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但他的家庭经济境况更好一些。
03:45
but one who was born天生
into more fortunate幸运 circumstances情况.
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03:49
Now, at birth分娩, we find
absolutely绝对 no differences分歧
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我们并没有发现
他们出生时的大脑有任何区别,
03:53
in how their brains大脑 work.
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03:56
But by the time those two kids孩子
are ready准备 to start开始 kindergarten幼儿园,
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但当两个孩子到了
上幼儿园的年龄时,
我们知道那个贫困中长大的孩子,
03:59
we know that the child儿童 living活的 in poverty贫穷
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平均会比另一个孩子的认知能力
04:01
is likely容易 to have cognitive认知 scores分数
that are, on average平均, 60 percent百分 lower降低
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低60%。
04:06
than those of the other child儿童.
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04:09
Later后来 on, that child儿童 living活的 in poverty贫穷
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后来,那个贫困中长大的孩子,
从高中辍学的几率要高5倍,
04:11
will be five times more likely容易
to drop下降 out of high school学校,
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假设她真的从高中毕业,
04:14
and if she does graduate毕业 high school学校,
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她获得大学学位的可能性也更低,
04:16
she'll贝壳 be less likely容易 to earn
a college学院 degree.
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04:20
By the time those two kids孩子
are 35 years年份 old,
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等两个孩子都35岁了,
那个在贫困中长大的孩子
04:23
if the first child儿童 spent花费
her entire整个 childhood童年 living活的 in poverty贫穷,
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依然贫困的概率要高出75倍。
04:27
she is up to 75 times
more likely容易 to be poor较差的 herself她自己.
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04:34
But it doesn't have to be that way.
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但是这种情况不是必然的,
04:36
As a neuroscientist神经学家, one of things
I find most exciting扣人心弦 about the human人的 brain
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作为一个神经科学家,
最令我兴奋的一个发现就是,
我们的经历会改变我们的大脑。
04:41
is that our experiences经验 change更改 our brains大脑.
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04:45
Now, this concept概念,
known已知 as neuroplasticity神经可塑性,
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这个概念叫做神经可塑性,
它意味着,儿童
大脑结构的这些区别,
04:49
means手段 that these differences分歧
in children's儿童 brain structure结构体
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并不意味着一个孩子的
一生都会碌碌无为,
04:52
don't doom厄运 a child儿童
to a life of low achievement成就.
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04:55
The brain is not destiny命运.
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大脑并不决定命运。
04:59
And if a child's孩子的 brain can be changed,
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而如果一个孩子的大脑能被改变,
05:01
then anything is possible可能.
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任何事都是有可能的。
05:04
As a society社会, we spend billions数十亿 of dollars美元
each year, educating教育 our children孩子.
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我们的社会每年都会花费
几十亿美元教育孩子,
学校,家长,和老师,
都想帮助弱势背景的孩子
05:09
So what can we tell schools学校,
teachers教师 and parents父母
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05:12
who want to help support支持 kids孩子
from disadvantaged劣势 backgrounds背景
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在学校和生活中过得更好,
那么我们能告诉他们什么呢?
05:15
to do their best最好 in school学校 and in life?
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05:17
Well, emerging新兴 science科学 suggests提示
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最新的科学研究证明,
在贫困中长大代表着
很多不同的经历,
05:19
that growing生长 up in poverty贫穷 is associated相关
with a host主办 of different不同 experiences经验
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这些经历放在一起可能会
05:24
and that these experiences经验
in turn may可能 work together一起
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决定大脑的发育,
并最终帮助孩子学习。
05:26
to help shape形状 brain development发展
and ultimately最终 help kids孩子 learn学习.
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05:30
And so if this is right,
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如果真的是这样,
那么问题就来了:
05:31
it begs乞求 the question:
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我们能在这个过程中的
哪一步进行干预并提供帮助呢?
05:32
Where along沿 this pathway
can we step in and provide提供 help?
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05:36
So let's consider考虑 first intervening介入
at the level水平 of learning学习 itself本身 --
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我们首先考虑一下
在学习阶段干预,
这通常是通过
学校的活动实现的。
05:39
most commonly常用 through通过
school-based校本 initiatives倡议.
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05:42
Now, should we be encouraging鼓舞人心的 teachers教师
to focus焦点 on the kinds of skills技能
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我们是否应该鼓励教师着重关注
贫困孩子最容易欠缺的技能呢?
05:45
that disadvantaged劣势 kids孩子
are most likely容易 to struggle斗争 with?
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当然,
05:48
Of course课程.
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以科学证据为基础的高质量教育的
05:49
The importance重要性 of high-quality高质量 education教育
based基于 in scientific科学 evidence证据
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重要性不容小觑。
05:53
really can't be overstated夸大.
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而且有很多干预成功的例子,
05:54
And there are a number of examples例子
of excellent优秀 interventions干预措施
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针对识字能力或自我约束,
05:57
targeting针对 things like literacy读写能力
or self-regulation自我调节
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成功地提高了孩子的
认知能力和测试分数。
06:00
that do in fact事实 improve提高 kids'孩子们 cognitive认知
development发展 and their test测试 scores分数.
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06:04
But as any intervention介入 scientist科学家
doing this work would tell you,
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但是所有从事这类研究的
科研者都会告诉你,
这项工作很有挑战性,
06:08
this work is challenging具有挑战性的.
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以科学证据为基础的
高质量教育很难实施,
06:09
It's hard to implement实行 high-quality高质量,
evidence-based循证 education教育.
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有可能需要很大的人力投入,
06:12
And it can be labor-intensive劳动密集型,
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有时费用高昂。
06:14
it's sometimes有时 costly昂贵.
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并且在许多情况下,这些儿童
发育的差距很早就显现了——
06:16
And in many许多 cases, these disparities差距
in child儿童 development发展 emerge出现 early --
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早在他们开始正式的
学校教育之前,
06:20
well before the start开始
of formal正式 schooling教育 --
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有时甚至在幼儿时期。
06:22
sometimes有时 when kids孩子 are just toddlers幼儿.
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06:25
And so I would argue争论:
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所以我的观点是,
06:27
school学校 is very important重要,
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学校很重要,
06:29
but if we're focusing调焦
all of our policy政策 efforts努力
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但如果我们把所有的政策工作
都集中在正规学校教育上,
06:32
on formal正式 schooling教育,
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可能为时已晚了。
06:33
we're probably大概 starting开始 too late晚了.
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06:36
So what about taking服用 a step back
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那么我们能不能退后一步,
着眼于改变儿童的成长经历呢?
06:39
and focusing调焦 on trying to change更改
children's儿童 experiences经验?
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06:42
What particular特定 experiences经验
are associated相关 with growing生长 up in poverty贫穷
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有哪些经历是
与在贫困中成长有关,
06:46
and might威力 be able能够 to be targeted针对
to promote促进 brain development发展
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并且能被干预,以促进孩子的
大脑发育和学习效果呢?
06:48
and learning学习 outcomes结果 for kids孩子?
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06:50
Of course课程, there are many许多, right?
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当然,有很多,对吧?
营养,医疗资源,
06:52
Nutrition营养, access访问 to health健康 care关心,
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二手烟污染或铅污染,
06:56
exposure曝光 to second-hand二手 smoke抽烟 or lead,
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有压力的环境或者受到歧视,
06:59
experience经验 of stress强调 or discrimination区别,
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等等。
07:01
to name名称 a few少数.
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07:03
In my laboratory实验室,
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在我的实验室里,
我们特别关注几种类型的经历,
07:04
we're particularly尤其 focused重点
on a few少数 types类型 of experiences经验
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我们认为这些经历
也许能够被干预
07:07
that we believe may可能 be able能够 to be targeted针对
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以促进儿童大脑发育,
07:10
to promote促进 children's儿童 brain development发展
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并最终提升他们的学习成果。
07:12
and ultimately最终 improve提高
their learning学习 outcomes结果.
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07:15
As one example,
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举一个例子,
有一样东西叫做家庭语言环境,
07:16
take something I'll call
the home language语言 environment环境,
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我们知道,孩子们
听到的词汇的数量
07:19
by which哪一个 I mean, we know
that the number of words kids孩子 hear
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和他们每天
进行的对话数量
07:23
and the number of conversations对话
they're engaged订婚 in every一切 day
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可能差异很大。
07:26
can vary变化 tremendously异常.
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07:28
By some estimates估计,
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据估计,
来自更有优势背景的孩子们,
07:29
kids孩子 from more advantaged优势 backgrounds背景
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在前几年中,
07:31
hear an average平均 of 30 million百万
more spoken words
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与较弱势群体的孩子相比,
07:34
in the first few少数 years年份 of life
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07:36
compared相比 to kids孩子 from less
advantaged优势 backgrounds背景.
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平均会多听到
3000万个口语词汇。
07:39
Now, in our work, we're finding发现
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在我们的研究中发现,
07:41
that kids孩子 who experience经验
more back-and-forth来来回回,
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进行更多双向对话的孩子,
07:44
responsive响应 conversational对话的 turns
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大脑控制语言
和阅读能力的区域
07:46
tend趋向 to have a larger brain surface表面
in parts部分 of the brain
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07:49
that we know are responsible主管
for language语言 and reading skills技能.
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有更大的表面积。
07:53
And in fact事实, the number
of conversations对话 they hear
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事实上,他们
听到的对话的数量,
比他们听到的词汇的数量,
似乎还更重要一些,
07:55
seems似乎 to matter a little bit more
than the sheer绝对 number of words they hear.
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08:00
So one tantalizing诱人 possibility可能性
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所以有一种令人欣喜的可能,
就是我们要教给父母们,
不仅要多说话,
08:02
is that we should be teaching教学 parents父母
not just to talk a lot,
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而且要和他们的孩子
多进行对话。
08:05
but to actually其实 have more conversations对话
with their children孩子.
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08:08
In this way, it's possible可能
that we'll promote促进 brain development发展
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476752
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这样有可能促进孩子的大脑发育,
并提高孩子的语言和阅读能力。
08:11
and perhaps也许 their kids'孩子们 language语言
and reading skills技能.
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08:15
And in fact事实, a number
of scientists科学家们 are testing测试
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事实上,许多科学家现在正在测试
这个令人振奋的方法是否可行。
08:17
that exciting扣人心弦 possibility可能性 right now.
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08:20
But of course课程, we all know
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但是,我们当然都知道,
在贫困中长大代表着
很多不同的经历,
08:21
that growing生长 up in poverty贫穷 is associated相关
with lots of different不同 experiences经验
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不仅仅是孩子
进行了多少对话,
08:24
beyond just how many许多
conversations对话 kids孩子 are having.
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那么我们如何选择
别的关键点呢?
08:27
So how do we choose选择 what else其他 to focus焦点 on?
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08:30
The list名单 can be overwhelming压倒.
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各种因素可能太多了。
有很多更高质量的干预方法,
08:32
There are a number
of high-quality高质量 interventions干预措施
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试图改变孩子的经历,
08:35
that do try to change更改
children's儿童 experience经验,
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其中不乏相当有效的方法。
08:37
many许多 of which哪一个 are quite相当 effective有效.
175
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08:39
But again, just like
school-based校本 initiatives倡议,
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2143
但是,就像学校主导的方式一样,
它并不容易,
08:41
this is hard work.
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有很多挑战,
08:43
It can be challenging具有挑战性的,
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08:44
it can be labor-intensive劳动密集型,
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需要人力投入,
08:45
sometimes有时 costly昂贵 ...
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有时费用高昂…
而且有时,
08:48
and on occasion场合,
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科学家们介入一个家庭,
告诉他们需要怎么改变
08:49
it can be somewhat有些 patronizing光顾
for scientists科学家们 to swoop落下 in
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才能让他们的孩子成功,
会显得有些冒昧。
08:52
and tell a family家庭 what they need to change更改
in order订购 for their child儿童 to succeed成功.
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3918
08:57
So I want to share分享 an idea理念 with you.
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所以我想和你们分享一个想法,
09:01
What if we tried试着 to help
young年轻 children孩子 in poverty贫穷
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3425
我们能不能仅仅通过
给贫困孩子的家庭捐款
09:05
by simply只是 giving
their families家庭 more money?
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来帮助他们呢?
09:10
I'm privileged特权 to be working加工
with a team球队 of economists经济学家,
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2572
我有幸和一些经济学家,
社会政策专家和神经科学家一起合作
09:12
social社会 policy政策 experts专家 and neuroscientists神经学家
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共同负责“孩子的最初阶段”这个实验,
09:14
in leading领导 Baby's婴儿 First Years年份,
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09:16
the first-ever史无前例的 randomized随机 study研究
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这是首个探究减轻贫困
09:19
to test测试 whether是否 poverty贫穷 reduction减少 causes原因
changes变化 in children's儿童 brain development发展.
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能否改变孩子的大脑发育的随机实验。
09:25
Now, the ambition志向 of the study研究 is large,
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2082
这项研究的目标很大,
但它的前提实际上很简单。
09:27
but the premise前提 is actually其实 quite相当 simple简单.
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09:30
In May可能 of 2018,
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从2018年5月起,
09:31
we began开始 recruiting招聘 1,000 mothers母亲
living活的 below下面 the federal联邦 poverty贫穷 line线
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4041
我们开始在美国的各个医院
招募1000名刚刚生过孩子的
生活在国家贫困线以下的母亲。
09:35
shortly不久 after they gave birth分娩
in a number of American美国 hospitals医院.
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3035
09:40
Upon enrolling招生 in our study研究,
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在参与我们的实验后,
所有的妈妈在孩子
出生后的前40个月,
09:41
all mothers母亲 receive接收
an unconditional无条件的 monthly每月一次 cash现金 gift礼品
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每个月都会收到一笔
无条件的现金礼物,
09:45
for the first 40 months个月
of their children's儿童 lives生活,
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她们可以任意支配这笔钱。
09:48
and they're free自由 to use this money
however然而 they like.
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2484
09:52
But importantly重要的,
mothers母亲 are being存在 randomized随机,
201
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2855
但有一点很重要,
这些妈妈是随机挑选的,
有些妈妈每个月会
收到很少的一笔钱,
09:55
so some mothers母亲 are randomized随机
to receive接收 a nominal公称 monthly每月一次 cash现金 gift礼品
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583609
4640
而其他的妈妈则被随机挑选为
每个月收到几百美金,
10:00
and others其他 are randomized随机 to receive接收
several一些 hundred dollars美元 each month,
203
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4440
我们觉得这笔钱足够
10:04
an amount that we believe is large enough足够
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592737
1973
给她们的日常生活带来改变,
10:06
to make a difference区别
in their day-to-day日复一日 lives生活,
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2191
在多数情况下,这会使她们的
月收入提高20%到25%。
10:08
in most cases increasing增加
their monthly每月一次 income收入 by 20 to 25 percent百分.
206
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3459
10:13
So in this way,
207
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通过这种方式,
我们希望能跳脱出

10:14
we're hoping希望 to finally最后 move移动
past过去 questions问题
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2536
贫困是否和儿童发展相关联的问题,
10:17
of how poverty贫穷 is correlated相关
with child儿童 development发展
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而是真正探究在儿童三岁前,
10:21
and actually其实 be able能够 to test测试
whether是否 reducing减少 poverty贫穷 causes原因 changes变化
210
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4684
减轻贫困能否引起
10:25
in children's儿童 cognitive认知, emotional情绪化
and brain development发展
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儿童的认知、情感
和大脑发育的改变,
10:28
in the first three years年份 of life --
212
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2148
我们认为,这三年
10:31
the very time when we believe
213
619097
1381
10:32
the developing发展 brain may可能 be
most malleable可锻铸 to experience经验.
214
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3527
发育中的大脑
最容易被不同的经历塑造。
10:37
Now, we won't惯于 have definitive明确 results结果
from this study研究 for several一些 years年份,
215
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这项研究在几年之内
都不会有明确的结果,
但最起码
10:41
and if nothing else其他,
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1000个新生儿和他们的
妈妈能在每个月
10:42
1,000 newborns新生儿 and their moms妈妈
will have a bit more cash现金 each month
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拿到一些他们
迫切需要的额外的钱。
10:45
that they tell us they very much need.
218
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1843
10:48
But what if it turns out
that a cost-effective经济有效 way
219
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但如果研究证明,
给妈妈们更多钱
是帮助在贫困中的孩子的
10:51
to help young年轻 children孩子 in poverty贫穷
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2386
一种更加节省财力的方式呢?
10:54
is to simply只是 give their moms妈妈 more money?
221
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2820
10:58
If our hypotheses假设 are borne得紧 out,
222
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1951
如果我们的假设被证实,
那么我们希望这次实验的成果
能启发我们对社工服务的思考,
11:00
it's our hope希望 that results结果 from this work
will inform通知 debates辩论 about social社会 services服务
223
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这将有可能改变
几百万个有孩子的家庭。
11:05
that have the potential潜在 to effect影响 millions百万
of families家庭 with young年轻 children孩子.
224
653158
3626
11:09
Because while income收入 may可能 not be the only
or even the most important重要 factor因子
225
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3790
虽然收入并不是决定
儿童大脑发育的
唯一的或最重要的因素。
11:13
in determining决定 children's儿童
brain development发展,
226
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2539
从政策角度来说,
11:16
it may可能 be one that,
227
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1243
11:17
from a policy政策 perspective透视,
228
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它却有可能是
最容易被解决的。
11:19
can be easily容易 addressed解决.
229
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1655
11:22
Put simply只是,
230
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1389
简单来说,
如果我们能证明
减轻贫困能改变儿童大脑的发育,
11:23
if we can show显示 that reducing减少 poverty贫穷
changes变化 how children's儿童 brains大脑 develop发展
231
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5103
从而引起政策上的
有意义的改变,
11:28
and that leads引线 to meaningful富有意义的
policy政策 changes变化,
232
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3307
那么今天一个贫困家庭的孩子,
11:32
then a young年轻 child儿童 born天生 into poverty贫穷 today今天
233
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就有可能有一个
更加美好的未来。
11:35
may可能 have a much better shot射击
at a brighter光明 future未来.
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3711
11:39
Thank you.
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谢谢。
(鼓掌)
11:40
(Applause掌声)
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Translated by Nancy Cai

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Kimberly Noble - Neuroscientist, pediatrician
Kimberly Noble, MD, PhD, studies how socioeconomic inequality relates to children's cognitive and brain development.

Why you should listen

Trained as a neuroscientist and board-certified pediatrician, Dr. Kimberly Noble has examined disparities in development and health across infancy, childhood and adolescence. She is currently an Associate Professor of Neuroscience and Education at Teachers College, Columbia University, where she directs the Neurocognition, Early Experience and Development (NEED) Lab. She received her undergraduate, graduate and medical degrees at the University of Pennsylvania and was the recipient of the Association for Psychological Science Janet Taylor Spence Award for Transformative Early Career Contributions.

In collaboration with a multidisciplinary team of scientists from around the United States, Noble is co-directing the Baby's First Years study, the first clinical trial of poverty reduction to assess the causal impact of income on children's cognitive, emotional and brain development in the first three years of life. Her work has received worldwide attention in the popular press, including the Washington Post, The EconomistNewsweekThe GuardianLe Monde and NPR. A full list of her publications can be found here.

More profile about the speaker
Kimberly Noble | Speaker | TED.com