ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Ivan Krastev - Public intellectual
From his home base in Bulgaria, Ivan Krastev thinks about democracy -- and how to reframe it.

Why you should listen

Political scientist Ivan Krastev is watching the Euro crisis closely, fascinated by what it reveals about Europe's place in history: What does it mean for the democratic model? Will a fragmented Europe return to nationalist identity politics?

In his latest work, Krastev places recent events on a continuum of five revolutions over the past decades:

+ The socio-cultural revolution of the 1960s.
+ Market revolutions of the 1980s.
+ Central Europe in 1989 (which brought socio-cultural and market revolutions together).
+ The communications revolution.
+ And finally the revolution in neurosciences, which lays bare the irrationality and emotional manipulation in popular politics.

As a result of these five great changes, we've become extremely open and connected, while on the flipside cementing a mistrust of elites. Can democracy flourish when a mistrust of elites is a permanent feature?

Krastev is the chair of the Centre for Liberal Strategies, in Sofia, a research and analysis NGO.

More profile about the speaker
Ivan Krastev | Speaker | TED.com
TEDGlobal 2012

Ivan Krastev: Can democracy exist without trust?

Ivan Krastev:没有信任,民主能继续存在么?

Filmed:
725,999 views

Ivan Krastev认为,在过去的50年中,5次伟大的革命塑造了当今的政治文化。他一步步地演示了这些革命——从上世纪60年代的文化革命到近期的神经科学领域的相关进展——是如何使得民主逐渐失去了民众的信任的。正像他所说的那样,“正确的事情也会带来错误的影响。民主,还能继续存在下去么?
- Public intellectual
From his home base in Bulgaria, Ivan Krastev thinks about democracy -- and how to reframe it. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:16
I'm afraid害怕 I'm one of those speakers音箱
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提前说一下
00:19
you hope希望 you're not going to meet遇到 at TEDTED.
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恐怕我是大家最不想在TED看到的演讲者之一
00:22
First, I don't have a mobile移动,
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首先,我没有手机
00:23
so I'm on the safe安全 side.
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所以我很安全
00:25
Secondly其次, a political政治 theorist理论家
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其次,作为一个政治理论家
00:27
who's谁是 going to talk about the crisis危机 of democracy民主
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我将要跟大家探讨“民主的危机”
00:30
is probably大概 not the most exciting扣人心弦 topic话题 you can think about.
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估计大家会觉得我的话题很枯燥
00:34
And plus, I'm not going to give you any answers答案.
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另外,我并不打算为大家给出任何答案
00:36
I'm much more trying to add to some of the questions问题 we're talking about.
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我更喜欢留下更多的问题
00:40
And one of the things that I want to question
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我想要质疑的
00:42
is this very popular流行 hope希望 these days
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是最近很流行的一种看法
00:45
that transparency透明度 and openness透明度
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那就是——公开透明
00:47
can restore恢复 the trust相信 in democratic民主的 institutions机构.
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能够恢复民主机构的信任
00:51
There is one more reason原因 for you to be suspicious可疑 about me.
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我还有一点不足:
00:55
You people, the Church教会 of TEDTED, are a very optimistic乐观 community社区.
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你们这些TED的教徒都是乐观的人
00:59
(Laughter笑声)
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(笑声)
01:01
Basically基本上 you believe in complexity复杂, but not in ambiguity歧义.
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基本上你们都相信复杂性,而不相信模棱两可的东西
01:06
As you have been told, I'm Bulgarian保加利亚语.
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相信你们都已经知道我是保加利亚人
01:09
And according根据 to the surveys调查,
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调查显示
01:10
we are marked the most pessimistic悲观 people in the world世界.
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我们保加利亚人是世界上最悲观的
01:14
(Laughter笑声)
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(笑声)
01:16
The Economist经济学家 magazine杂志 recently最近 wrote an article文章
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经济学人杂志最近刊登了一篇文章
01:19
covering覆盖 one of the recent最近 studies学习 on happiness幸福,
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是关于最近的一次对“幸福”的研究报告
01:22
and the title标题 was "The Happy快乐, the Unhappy不快乐 and the Bulgarians保加利亚."
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文章名称是“幸福,不幸福,以及保加利亚人”
01:27
(Laughter笑声)
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(笑声)
01:28
So now when you know what to expect期望,
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相信大家已经知道接下来会发生什么了
01:32
let's give you the story故事.
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那么,让我们从一个故事开始吧
01:34
And this is a rainy多雨的 election选举 day in a small country国家 --
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这是一个小国家的大选之日,天空中飘着雨
01:39
that can be my country国家, but could be also your country国家.
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可以是保加利亚,当然也可以是你的国家
01:42
And because of the rain until直到 four o'clock in the afternoon下午,
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因为大雨到下午4点才停
01:46
nobody没有人 went to the polling轮询 stations.
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所以4点前没有人去投票站提交选票
01:48
But then the rain stopped停止,
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雨停了
01:50
people went to vote投票.
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人们才出门去投票
01:52
And when the votes had been counted,
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统计选票的时候
01:56
three-fourths四分之三 of the people have voted with a blank空白 ballot选票.
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发现四分之三的公民投了空白的选票
02:03
The government政府 and the opposition反对,
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政府及其反对者们
02:05
they have been simply只是 paralyzed.
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都慌了手脚
02:08
Because you know what to do about the protests抗议.
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因为之前,你知道该怎么对付来抗议的人
02:10
You know who to arrest逮捕, who to negotiate谈判 with.
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你知道要逮捕谁,要跟谁谈判
02:12
But what to do about people who are voting表决 with a blank空白 ballot选票?
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但是现在,面对投了空白选票的人们,你却不知道该怎么办了!
02:18
So the government政府 decided决定 to have the elections选举 once一旦 again.
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所以,政府决定重新选举
02:22
And this time even a greater更大 number,
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但结果更离谱了
02:24
83 percent百分 of the people, voted with blank空白 ballots选票.
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83%的公民投了空白选票
02:30
Basically基本上 they went to the ballot选票 boxes盒子
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基本上,他们都是走到投票箱前
02:32
to tell that they have nobody没有人 to vote投票 for.
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说自己感觉无人可选
02:35
This is the opening开盘 of a beautiful美丽 novel小说 by Jose何塞 Saramago萨拉马戈
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这是Jose Saramago一篇美丽的小说的开场白(译者注:Jose Saramago是葡萄牙小说家、诗人、记者,于1998年获得诺贝尔文学奖,擅长写寓言,对官方理论持怀疑态度)
02:41
called "Seeing眼见."
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叫做“我看到的”
02:42
But in my view视图 it very well captures捕获
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但在我看来
02:44
part部分 of the problem问题 that we have with democracy民主 in Europe欧洲 these days.
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这个故事很好地捕捉到了当今欧洲民主存在的问题
02:49
On one level水平 nobody's没有人是 questioning疑问
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从某种程度上说
02:51
that democracy民主 is the best最好 form形成 of government政府.
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没有人质疑民主是政府最好的组成方式
02:55
Democracy民主 is the only game游戏 in town.
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民主是唯一的方式
02:58
The problem问题 is that many许多 people start开始 to believe
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问题是很多人开始相信
03:00
that it is not a game游戏 worth价值 playing播放.
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民主不是值得去关注的唯一方式
03:03
For the last 30 years年份, political政治 scientists科学家们 have observed观察到的
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在过去的30年,政治学家们观察到
03:07
that there is a constant不变 decline下降 in electoral turnout结果发现,
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投票选举率不断下降
03:12
and the people who are least最小 interested有兴趣 to vote投票
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那些对投票最没有兴趣的人
03:16
are the people whom you expect期望 are going to gain获得 most out of voting表决.
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却是你觉得会从选举中获益最大的人
03:20
I mean the unemployed失业的, the under-privileged在特权.
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也就是那些没有工作的、没有权势的可怜的人
03:24
And this is a major重大的 issue问题.
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这才是问题所在
03:25
Because especially特别 now with the economic经济 crisis危机,
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因为特别是现在,随着经济危机的出现
03:28
you can see that the trust相信 in politics政治,
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你可以发现,人们对政治的信任
03:31
that the trust相信 in democratic民主的 institutions机构,
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对民主机构的信任
03:33
was really destroyed销毁.
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都已经被完全摧毁了
03:35
According根据 to the latest最新 survey调查 being存在 doneDONE by the European欧洲的 Commission佣金,
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根据欧洲委员会最新的调查
03:39
89 percent百分 of the citizens公民 of Europe欧洲 believe that there is a growing生长 gap间隙
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欧洲89%的公民认为
03:44
between之间 the opinion意见 of the policy-makers政策制定者 and the opinion意见 of the public上市.
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政策制定者和公众的看法存在着存在巨大的缺口
03:50
Only 18 percent百分 of Italians意大利 and 15 percent百分 of Greeks希腊人
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只有18%的意大利人,15%的希腊人
03:54
believe that their vote投票 matters事项.
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认为投票是重要的
03:57
Basically基本上 people start开始 to understand理解 that they can change更改 governments政府,
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人们都开始觉得,他们能把政府换掉
04:01
but they cannot不能 change更改 policies政策.
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但改不了政策
04:04
And the question which哪一个 I want to ask is the following以下:
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我想问的是:
04:06
How did it happen发生 that we are living活的 in societies社会
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为什么,在一个如此美好的社会
04:10
which哪一个 are much freer自由 than ever before --
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一个比以前自由的社会
04:13
we have more rights权利, we can travel旅行 easier更轻松,
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一个让我们有权力,让我们自由翱翔的社会
04:15
we have access访问 to more information信息 --
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一个让我们掌握了更多信息的社会
04:18
at the same相同 time that trust相信 in our democratic民主的 institutions机构
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我们在爱这个社会的同时,却对民主机构
04:21
basically基本上 has collapsed倒塌?
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完全丧失信任了呢?
04:24
So basically基本上 I want to ask:
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所以,我真正想问的是:
04:25
What went right and what went wrong错误 in these 50 years年份
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在这50年中,我们的民主
04:30
when we talk about democracy民主?
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到底什么地方是对的,什么地方做错了
04:32
And I'll start开始 with what went right.
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我们先看看正确的方面
04:36
And the first thing that went right was, of course课程,
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在我看来,第一件正确的事
04:39
these five revolutions革命 which哪一个, in my view视图,
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就是以下这五场革命
04:41
very much changed the way we're living活的 and deepened加深 our democratic民主的 experience经验.
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五场深刻改变了我们的生活方式、加深了我们对民主的认识的革命
04:46
And the first was the cultural文化 and social社会 revolution革命 of 1968 and 1970s,
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第一场革命是1968年到1970年间的文化和社会革命
04:51
which哪一个 put the individual个人 at the center中央 of politics政治.
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它把个人推到了政治的中心
04:54
It was the human人的 rights权利 moment时刻.
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那是属于人权的时刻
04:56
Basically基本上 this was also a major重大的 outbreak暴发, a culture文化 of dissent异议,
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这场革命也是一次重大的突破,形成了一种多元的文化
05:00
a culture文化 of basically基本上 non-conformism不循规蹈矩,
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一种不服从统一的文化
05:04
which哪一个 was not known已知 before.
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一种我们之前闻所未闻的文化
05:06
So I do believe that even things like that
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所有我认为
05:09
are very much the children孩子 of '68 --
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它们当时就像68年出生的孩子
05:12
nevertheless虽然 that most of us had been even not born天生 then.
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尽管我们当中的很多人那时都还没有出生
05:16
But after that you have the market市场 revolution革命 of the 1980s.
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但是在那之后,你经历了上世纪80年代的市场改革
05:19
And nevertheless虽然 that many许多 people on the left try to hate讨厌 it,
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——尽管很多左翼人士都讨厌它——
05:22
the truth真相 is that it was very much the market市场 revolution革命 that sent发送 the message信息:
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但事实上就是这次市场革命传递出这样的真理:
05:27
"The government政府 does not know better."
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“政府不比我们知道的更多”
05:29
And you have more choice-driven选择驱动 societies社会.
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你就有了一个存在更多选择的社会
05:31
And of course课程, you have 1989 -- the end结束 of Communism共产主义, the end结束 of the Cold War战争.
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然后,1989年,共产主义和冷战都结束了
05:38
And it was the birth分娩 of the global全球 world世界.
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这才是全球化的开始
05:40
And you have the Internet互联网.
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然后你有了因特网
05:42
And this is not the audience听众 to which哪一个 I'm going to preach传道
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我并不是想告诉大家
05:45
to what extent程度 the Internet互联网 empowered授权 people.
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因特网在多大程度上给了我们力量
05:48
It has changed the way we are communicating通信
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但因特网改变了我们交流的方式
05:51
and basically基本上 we are viewing观看 politics政治.
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我们也成了审视政治的人
05:52
The very idea理念 of political政治 community社区 totally完全 has changed.
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政治集团的理念也因为因特网完全改变了
05:55
And I'm going to name名称 one more revolution革命,
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我还要提到一个革命
05:58
and this is the revolution革命 in brain sciences科学,
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一个大脑科学的革命
06:00
which哪一个 totally完全 changed the way
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它颠覆了我们理解
06:01
we understand理解 how people are making制造 decisions决定.
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人类决策的方式
06:05
So this is what went right.
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以上就是对的事情(译者概括一下:1968年社会文化革命、1980年市场改革、1989年冷战结束、因特网的出现、大脑科学革命)
06:08
But if we're going to see what went wrong错误,
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下面是做错的事情
06:10
we're going to end结束 up with the same相同 five revolutions革命.
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那就是我们要结束上面的5次革命了
06:14
Because first you have the 1960s and 1970s,
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因为你有了1960年到1970年间的
06:17
cultural文化 and social社会 revolution革命,
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文化和社会革命
06:19
which哪一个 in a certain某些 way destroyed销毁 the idea理念 of a collective集体 purpose目的.
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以一种特定的方式摧毁了集体目标的理念
06:22
The very idea理念, all these collective集体 nouns名词 that we have been taught about --
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而那个理念,包括我们所学过的所有的关于集体的名词
06:27
nation国家, class, family家庭.
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民族、阶级、家族——都消失了
06:30
We start开始 to like divorcing离婚, if we're married已婚 at all.
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我们开始喜欢离婚,当然,如果我们还愿意结婚的话
06:33
All this was very much under attack攻击.
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所有这些都开始受到攻击
06:36
And it is so difficult to engage从事 people in politics政治
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所以当人们都只是一味地相信
06:40
when they believe that what really matters事项
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真正重要的是自己
06:43
is where they personally亲自 stand.
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那么我们再想鼓励他们参与政治就很难了
06:45
And you have the market市场 revolution革命 of the 1980s
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然后你有80年代的市场改革
06:49
and the huge巨大 increase增加 of inequality不等式 in societies社会.
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这加剧了社会的不平等
06:55
Remember记得, until直到 the 1970s,
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要知道,到1970年为止
06:57
the spread传播 of democracy民主 has always been accompanied伴随着
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民主的延伸,总是伴随着
07:01
by the decline下降 of inequality不等式.
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不平等性的下降
07:04
The more democratic民主的 our societies社会 have been,
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之前的状况是,社会越民主
07:06
the more equal等于 they have been becoming变得.
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社会也就越平等
07:10
Now we have the reverse相反 tendency趋势.
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现在却反过来了
07:12
The spread传播 of democracy民主 now is very much accompanied伴随着
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如今,民主的延伸
07:15
by the increase增加 in inequality不等式.
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总是造成更多的不平等
07:17
And I find this very much disturbing烦扰的
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现在,每当我跟别人讨论
07:20
when we're talking about what's going on right and wrong错误
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我们的民主什么是对的,什么是错的
07:24
with democracy民主 these days.
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我都为此觉得很无力
07:26
And if you go to 1989 --
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到了1989年
07:28
something that basically基本上 you don't expect期望 that anybody's任何人的 going to criticize批评 --
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有些事情,你一般都认为是无可指责的正确的事情
07:32
but many许多 are going to tell you, "Listen, it was the end结束 of the Cold War战争
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实际上,很多人会告诉你:
07:36
that tore撕毁 the social社会 contract合同 between之间 the elites精英 and the people in Western西 Europe欧洲."
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”正是冷战的结束撕毁了西欧在精英阶层和大众阶层之间的社会契约“
07:41
When the Soviet苏联 Union联盟 was still there,
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苏维埃存在的时候
07:43
the rich丰富 and the powerful强大, they needed需要 the people,
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富人和权贵是需要民众的
07:46
because they feared害怕 them.
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因为他们惧怕苏维埃政权
07:48
Now the elites精英 basically基本上 have been liberated解放.
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现在,那些上层人士彻底解放了
07:52
They're very mobile移动. You cannot不能 tax them.
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他们可以随处流动,你无法正常对他们征税了
07:54
And basically基本上 they don't fear恐惧 the people.
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他们也不怕民众了
07:56
So as a result结果 of it, you have this very strange奇怪 situation情况
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结果,你会发现一个奇怪的现象
07:59
in which哪一个 the elites精英 basically基本上 got out of the control控制 of the voters选民.
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上层人士都摆脱了投票的控制
08:04
So this is not by accident事故
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这不是偶然的
08:05
that the voters选民 are not interested有兴趣 to vote投票 anymore.
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投票者也不再热衷于投票了
08:08
And when we talk about the Internet互联网,
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关于因特网
08:10
yes, it's true真正, the Internet互联网 connected连接的 all of us,
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没错,它连接了世界
08:13
but we also know that the Internet互联网 created创建 these echo回声 chambers and political政治 ghettos贫民区
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但是我们也知道,因特网创造了回音室,创造了政治贫民区
08:20
in which哪一个 for all your life you can stay with the political政治 community社区 you belong属于 to.
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在那里,你终生都要与你属于的政党站在一起
08:25
And it's becoming变得 more and more difficult
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你就会发现,理解与你不同的人群
08:27
to understand理解 the people who are not like you.
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会越来越困难
08:29
I know that many许多 people here
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我知道这里的很多人
08:31
have been splendidly华丽地 speaking请讲 about the digital数字 world世界 and the possibility可能性 for cooperation合作,
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都喜欢讨论数字化的世界和合作的可能性
08:36
but [have you] seen看到 what the digital数字 world世界 has doneDONE to American美国 politics政治 these days?
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但是你是否看到这些年数字化世界对美国政治造成的影响?
08:40
This is also partly部分地 a result结果 of the Internet互联网 revolution革命.
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这其中有一部分就是因特网革命造成的
08:44
This is the other side of the things that we like.
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这就是所谓的”一个硬币有两面“
08:47
And when you go to the brain sciences科学,
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然后你再看看大脑科学
08:49
what political政治 consultants顾问 learned学到了 from the brain scientists科学家们
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政治顾问们从科学家那里学到的
08:53
is don't talk to me about ideas思路 anymore,
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就是不要再跟我讨论思想
08:56
don't talk to me about policy政策 programs程式.
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不要再跟我讨论政策的制定程序
08:59
What really matters事项 is basically基本上 to manipulate操作 the emotions情绪 of the people.
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对他们来说,什么能真正操控人们的情绪,什么就是真正重要的
09:04
And you have this very strongly非常
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你还可以强烈地感觉到
09:06
to the extent程度 that, even if you see when we talk about revolutions革命 these days,
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今天在某种程度上,即使你看到我们大家在讨论革命
09:11
these revolutions革命 are not named命名 anymore around ideologies意识形态 or ideas思路.
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这些革命都不再根据某种意识形态或者思想被命名
09:17
Before, revolutions革命 used to have ideological思想 names.
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以前,革命都是有意识形态上的名称的
09:19
They could be communist共产, they could be liberal自由主义的,
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它们可以是共产主义的,可以是自由主义的
09:21
they could be fascist法西斯 or Islamic清真.
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可以是法西斯主义或者伊斯兰主义的
09:23
Now the revolutions革命 are called under the medium which哪一个 is most used.
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现状,它们却被根据媒介来命名
09:27
You have FacebookFacebook的 revolutions革命, Twitter推特 revolutions革命.
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你看到了Facebook革命,Twitter革命
09:30
The content内容 doesn't matter anymore, the problem问题 is the media媒体.
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内容不再重要,问题是媒介是谁
09:35
I'm saying this because one of my major重大的 points
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我这么说是因为我的主要观点之一就是
09:37
is what went right is also what went wrong错误.
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那些正确的也可以变成错的
09:42
And when we're now trying to see how we can change更改 the situation情况,
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当我们现在试图去发现我们能如何改变现状的时候
09:46
when basically基本上 we're trying to see what can be doneDONE about democracy民主,
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当我们试图去发现我们能为民主做些什么的时候
09:49
we should keep this ambiguity歧义 in mind心神.
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我们必须接受一些模棱两可的东西
09:51
Because probably大概 some of the things that we love most
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因为可能那些我们最喜爱的
09:54
are going to be also the things that can hurt伤害 us most.
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将会成为伤我们最深的
09:58
These days it's very popular流行 to believe
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如今很流行的观点是
10:01
that this push for transparency透明度,
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大家喜欢透明
10:03
this kind of a combination组合 between之间 active活性 citizens公民, new technologies技术
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所以积极的公民、新的科技、更透明的立法
10:09
and much more transparency-friendly透明度友好 legislation立法
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被联合起来使用
10:13
can restore恢复 trust相信 in politics政治.
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来恢复大家对政治的信任
10:16
You believe that when you have these new technologies技术 and people who are ready准备 to use this,
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你坚信,当你有了新科技和喜欢使用新科技的公民
10:20
it can make it much more difficult for the governments政府 to lie谎言,
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可以更好地防止政府作假
10:24
it's going to be more difficult for them to steal
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政府想要偷取什么、杀害谁
10:26
and probably大概 even going to be more difficult for them to kill.
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都会因此而变得更困难
10:30
This is probably大概 true真正.
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也许你是对的
10:32
But I do believe that we should be also very clear明确
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但我认为,我们应当清楚
10:35
that now when we put the transparency透明度 at the center中央 of politics政治
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是我们把透明推到政治的中心
10:40
where the message信息 is, "It's transparency透明度, stupid."
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而政治总是讨厌透明的
10:44
Transparency透明度 is not about restoring恢复 trust相信 in institutions机构.
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所以透明并没有恢复信任
10:47
Transparency透明度 is politics'政治' management管理 of mistrust不信任.
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透明只是在政治上管理”不信任"的一种手段而已
10:52
We are assuming假设 that our societies社会 are going to be based基于 on mistrust不信任.
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我们这纯粹只是在假设我们的社会将基于“不信任”而被建立起来
10:57
And by the way, mistrust不信任 was always very important重要 for democracy民主.
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顺便说一句,“不信任”对民主来说总是非常重要的
10:59
This is why you have checks检查 and balances结余.
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这也是为什么我们有了分权制度
11:02
This is why basically基本上 you have all this creative创作的 mistrust不信任
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为什么我们有了这些创造出来的“不信任”
11:06
between之间 the representatives代表 and those whom they represent代表.
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有了这些在代表(指政府)和那些他们所代表的人(指大众)之间的“不信任”
11:09
But when politics政治 is only management管理 of mistrust不信任,
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但是,当政治仅仅作为管理“不信任”的方式而存在时
11:14
then -- I'm very glad高兴 that "1984" has been mentioned提到 --
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那么——我很高兴《1984》提起过这个——(译者注:1984是乔治·奥威尔的小说,是反乌托邦的三大小说之一,主题为反对极权主义)
11:17
now we're going to have "1984" in reverse相反.
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我们就会退回到“1984”
11:20
It's not going to be the Big Brother哥哥 watching观看 you,
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它不会变成“娱乐老大哥秀”(译者注:Big Brother is watching you是全方位时刻观察游戏者的竞赛节目,语出《1984》)
11:23
it's going to be we being存在 the Big Brother哥哥
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而我们将变成那个时刻观察别人的Big Brother
11:25
watching观看 the political政治 class.
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我们将始终盯着政治阶层
11:27
But is this the idea理念 of a free自由 society社会?
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这是自由社会的理念么?
11:30
For example, can you imagine想像
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例如,请你想象一下
11:32
that decent正经, civic公民, talented天才 people are going to run for office办公室
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当优秀的公民要参与竞选
11:38
if they really do believe
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如果他们真的认为
11:40
that politics政治 is also about managing管理的 mistrust不信任?
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政治也是要管理“不信任”的
11:44
Are you not afraid害怕 with all these technologies技术
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你就不对那些科技感到害怕么?
11:47
that are going to track跟踪 down
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这些科技
11:49
any statement声明 the politicians政治家 are going to make on certain某些 issues问题,
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将会追踪政治家们对特定问题的所有看法
11:52
are you not afraid害怕 that this is going to be a very strong强大 signal信号 to politicians政治家
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由于对政治家来说,自己观点的一致性要比常识重要
11:56
to repeat重复 their positions位置, even the very wrong错误 positions位置,
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所以即使错了,他们也要坚持重复自己的观点
12:01
because consistency一致性 is going to be more important重要 than common共同 sense?
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对于这样不理性的政治,你不感到恐惧么?
12:05
And the Americans美国人 who are in the room房间,
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此刻坐在这间房子里的美国人
12:06
are you not afraid害怕 that your presidents总统 are going to govern治理
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你们难道就不害怕你们的总统
12:09
on the basis基础 of what they said in the primary elections选举?
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永远按照自己在竞选预选时所说的话那样来管理你们么
12:13
I find this extremely非常 important重要,
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我之所以觉得这点极为重要
12:15
because democracy民主 is about people changing改变 their views意见
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是因为民主就是要公民不断改变观点
12:19
based基于 on rational合理的 arguments参数 and discussions讨论.
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根据理性的讨论来做出选择
12:22
And we can lose失去 this with the very noble高贵 idea理念
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但是如果我们放弃了这样(公民要根据理性改变观点)的想法
12:25
to keep people accountable问责
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政治就成了作秀
12:27
for showing展示 the people that we're not going to tolerate容忍
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变成仅仅为了告诉公民们,我们不会
12:30
politicians政治家 the opportunism机会主义 in politics政治.
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容忍政治家们在政治中的机会主义(译者注:此处的机会主义是指政治家冒险去破坏自己观点的一致性而逃避大众监督)
12:33
So for me this is extremely非常 important重要.
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所以对我来说,这点至关重要
12:35
And I do believe that when we're discussing讨论 politics政治 these days,
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我确实相信,如今当我们谈论政治时
12:38
probably大概 it makes品牌 sense
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也许想想这样的故事
12:41
to look also at this type类型 of a story故事.
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是很合乎逻辑的
12:44
But also don't forget忘记, any unveiling揭幕 is also veiling面纱.
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但请不要忘了,任何的揭露,同时也是一种掩饰
12:48
[Regardless而不管 of] how transparent透明 our governments政府 want to be,
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不管我们的政府多想要公开透明
12:51
they're going to be selectively选择 transparent透明.
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他们也只是想要有选择地公开透明
12:54
In a small country国家 that could be my country国家,
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在一个小国家里,比如保加利亚
12:56
but could be also your country国家,
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当然也可能是你的国家
12:57
they took a decision决定 -- it is a real真实 case案件 story故事 --
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他们要求——这是个真实的故事——
12:59
that all of the governmental政府 decisions决定,
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所有的政府决策
13:02
discussions讨论 of the council评议会 of ministers部长,
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所有的内阁讨论
13:05
were going to be published发表 on the Internet互联网
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都要在讨论结束一天后
13:08
24 hours小时 after the council评议会 discussions讨论 took place地点.
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公布在因特网上供大家监督
13:12
And the public上市 was extremely非常 all for it.
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公众欢呼雀跃
13:14
So I had the opportunity机会 to talk to the prime主要 minister部长,
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所以当我有机会与首相交流
13:17
why he made制作 this decision决定.
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我就问他为什么决定如此公开
13:18
He said, "Listen, this is the best最好 way
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首相说,听着,只有这样
13:20
to keep the mouths嘴巴 of my ministers部长 closed关闭.
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才能让议员们都闭嘴
13:25
Because it's going to be very difficult for them to dissent异议
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因为当他们知道24小时之后
13:28
knowing会心 that 24 hours小时 after
250
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所有讨论都要公开
13:30
this is going to be on the public上市 space空间,
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他们就必须尽快取得一致了
13:32
and this is in a certain某些 way going to be a political政治 crisis危机."
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否则就会出现政治危机
13:36
So when we talk about transparency透明度,
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所以,当我们讨论透明
13:37
when we talk about openness透明度,
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当我们讨论公开
13:39
I really do believe that what we should keep in mind心神
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我真的认为我们必须牢记
13:41
is that what went right is what went wrong错误.
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正确的同时就是错误的
13:45
And this is Goethe歌德, who is neither也不 Bulgarian保加利亚语 nor也不 a political政治 scientist科学家,
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歌德,既不是保加利亚人,也不是政治学家
13:49
some centuries百年 ago he said,
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数个世纪前说过
13:52
"There is a big shadow阴影 where there is much light."
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“光线越充足的地方,阴影就越大”
13:55
Thank you very much.
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谢谢大家
13:56
(Applause掌声)
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(掌声)
Translated by Liang Qi
Reviewed by Yuguo Zhang

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Ivan Krastev - Public intellectual
From his home base in Bulgaria, Ivan Krastev thinks about democracy -- and how to reframe it.

Why you should listen

Political scientist Ivan Krastev is watching the Euro crisis closely, fascinated by what it reveals about Europe's place in history: What does it mean for the democratic model? Will a fragmented Europe return to nationalist identity politics?

In his latest work, Krastev places recent events on a continuum of five revolutions over the past decades:

+ The socio-cultural revolution of the 1960s.
+ Market revolutions of the 1980s.
+ Central Europe in 1989 (which brought socio-cultural and market revolutions together).
+ The communications revolution.
+ And finally the revolution in neurosciences, which lays bare the irrationality and emotional manipulation in popular politics.

As a result of these five great changes, we've become extremely open and connected, while on the flipside cementing a mistrust of elites. Can democracy flourish when a mistrust of elites is a permanent feature?

Krastev is the chair of the Centre for Liberal Strategies, in Sofia, a research and analysis NGO.

More profile about the speaker
Ivan Krastev | Speaker | TED.com